Primarily, it was a critique aimed at ambiguous white feminist discourse which was based on an incomplete understanding of third world women. Their representation in western texts provided that women everywhere are oppressed on the basis of gender. It was merely based on sociological universalism which signifies the commonness around the shared oppression through the marker of gender. In contrast, feminists of color argued that women indeed are oppressed throughout. But the conditions of oppression are different. There was a lack of context when western feminist analyzed the situation of third world women. Moreover, their portrayal in the writing discussed third world women as average and uneducated who are oppressed by cultural norms and traditional structures. In addition, they were using methodological universalism to include all women in their analysis but in the post-colonial context women’s oppression has been multidimensional. Not only gender, but ethnic and class factors do play a huge role in social injustices. The problems third world women face are more fundamental such as survival, land, food. Similarly, the case of Pakistan sheds light to this case. There is a huge gap between urban feminist practices and discourse and rural or marginalized women movements. Marginalized women are rarely represented in feminist writings, let aside the practices.

One such example is of Baloch women. Baloch women have been significant participants in their national movement since 2010. However, it later on transcended to the more fundamental issues like survival and human rights violations. Few scholars argue that Baloch women were politicized due to enforced disappearances. The missing male forced the females to walk out and resist for their releases. This process itself politicized females. The Baloch women have been successful in developing a movement to agitate against human rights violations. Their resistance incorporates enforced disappearances as a ruthless practice and male members must be released. Recently, this movement gained momentum and developed at a large scale. For two months, these women continued their sit-in in Islamabad for these demands.

On the other hand, there is an urban feminist movement ongoing since 2016. Feminist scholars of Pakistan term it as the 4^th wave of feminism in Pakistan led by young girls. Their movement arose against private and public patriarchy in society. It resists the male dominance which enabled rape, sexual harassment, women subordination and many other factors.

Undoubtedly, urban Pakistani feminism does share a lot with postcolonial feminism. However, in comparison with Baloch women’s movement, there emerges the first world and third world dichotomy. The urban feminist discourse has been reluctant to include the Baloch women oppression in their texts. Likewise, there is very limited support for Baloch women in their practices. After a strong Baloch march, they have named their yearly protest on Baloch women. This is insufficient when there is relatively minimal support on ground. For instance, when Baloch women staged a sit-in in Islamabad, after intense violence and intimidation to the marchers by Islamabad police, there was very little said by the urban feminists in other cities. It is true that few joined the protest of BYC in Karachi but overall, there was not a significant response for Baloch women. The Islamabad faction, mostly led by WDF, joined the protesters and protested with them.

Reasonably, there are differences of issues between them. Baloch women have been staunch advocates against the state’s inhuman practices in Balochistan. The core issues surround issues of survival and security. On the other hand, urban feminists’ problems are more centered on male dominance. It is perhaps the difference of issues that creates the gap. Nevertheless, urban feminists do have a normative responsibility to incorporate issues of marginalized women. Their narrative is based on fighting against male dominance and marginalization of women. Whereas, what the Baloch women are facing is dual oppression, at one hand from the state institutions and on other from the society.

Another key difference between them is that Baloch women are leading a movement. Their agitation is continuous whereas the urban Pakistani feminists have an occasional approach. Every year 8^th of March is the central day to celebrate women; urban feminist celebrate this like an event. Although, there are demonstrations and protests. A good number of speeches are available too. However, this is limited to the day of 8^th March only. Other than that, there may be few protests as a response to the given event. For example, when the Sahiwal rape case occurred nearly all of the Pakistan protested against this inhuman practice. Apart from such cases, urban Pakistani feminists are invisible. In contrast, Baloch women have been leading a fierce movement against human rights violations. It is almost the second generation that is continuously leading a movement and educating the younger ones. The Baloch women movement is not centered on specific issues; rather it is a continuous struggle against unjust practices, survival and peaceful life.

Besides, Baloch society has been tolerant and acceptable for women’s socio-political roles. Since 2013 when the young girls led the march to Islamabad against enforced disappearances, there has not been discrimination. Later on, these girls became the face of the human rights movement. The December march also was quite visible that it was entirely led by women from organizing to leading. It is analyzed that women do have space for politics and social roles in Balochistan. On the other hand, urban feminist face backlash from their societies. They face abuse, harassment and other forms of intimidation. Likewise, they are bullied and trolled in social media also. Comparatively, there are fewer men in demonstrations of urban feminists than Baloch women protests.

In short, women oppression in Pakistan is multidimensional. The urban feminists need to not only highlight the issues of marginalized women but also coordinate with them. The feminist movement should be more inclusive and intersectional.

The writer is a resident of Gwadar and an M-Phil scholar in Political Science at Forman Christian College, Lahore.